Pr. Dr. Luc Duchateau (Ghent University, Belgium) is the Coordinator of the Institutional University Collaboration with Jimma University.

Fields of research: statistics and biostatistics, malariology.

This article was originally published in the 6th issue (January 2017) of The Ethiopian Messenger, the quarterly magazine of the Embassy of Ethiopia in Brussels.

Since the beginning of the current migration crisis, several measures have been agreed by the EU partners to address the root causes of migration. However, the actions implemented so far have not been responding effectively to the mounting migration pressure. To really address the issue, Europe should look at Africa beyond the current problems and crisis faced by the continent.

The history of migration is as old as that of humanity. It already existed in the past, is still a very noticeable phenomenon today, and it will continue to exist in the future, notably in countries undergoing traumatic economic and political transformations, where there is conflict, persecution, where individuals are in search of better life elsewhere.

Current measures are insufficient

Acknowledging this reality and in order to address the root cause of the current migration problem, the meeting between the European Union (EU) and African Heads of States and Governments in April 2014 in Brussels under the theme “Investing in people, prosperity and peace” adopted a Joint declaration on mobility and agreed to prepare an Action Plan for the period 2014-2017. In this declaration, they agreed to:

“…..foster synergies between migration and development, including by reducing the costs of remittances, enhancing the role and engagement of the diaspora and consolidating the African Institute for Remittances. To better organize intra and inter-regional labour mobility and that of business persons. To enhance cooperation to address trafficking in human beings, notably by strengthening partnership and cooperation on prevention, protection and prosecution. To cooperate on irregular migration, addressing all its relevant aspects, including strengthened migration management, return and readmission as well as the promotion of alternatives to irregular migration. And finally, to work together in the field of international protection and asylum, and towards promoting respect of the human rights of migrants.” (Article 36)

Even though the level of migration flows in 2014 had not yet reached height they would attain in subsequent years, the problem was well articulated and indicated possible remedies that could be used in the current migration crisis. However, the main problem has since then been laying in the implementation of decisions taken.

Later in November 2015, leaders of the two continents gathered in Malta and adopted five pillars and 16 priority areas to address migration-related problems and established a 1.8 billion euros EU Trust Fund for Africa to finance projects to implement these priorities in 33 African countries. Nearly a year and half after the Malta Summit, the operational committee established to govern the Trust fund approved nearly €1.589 billion under three windows, namely the Sahel-Lake Chad, the Horn of Africa and the North Africa windows. Of the approved fund, projects worth of 600 million euros (37.75%) have been contracted out and only 163 million euros (10.25%) of the total approved has been spent. This clearly shows the complexity and slowness of this process which involves several countries

It has also to be noted that the implementation of nearly 50% of the projects was given to NGOs, International Organizations and EU Member States. Local institutions that could have used this opportunity to build their capacity will therefore miss this chance. Moreover, despite the emphasis given during both meetings, efforts made to promote legal migration and to encourage remittances were minimal.

Of course, many positive steps were taken in this framework. Several discussions and researches which could contribute to address migration problem were organized. The cooperation in the area of prevention, protection and prosecution is also worth mentioning. But if one raises the question whether the activities taken so far are responding to the mounting migration pressure, particularly in countries of origin, the answer is clearly negative.

In addition to that, the mass deportations, construction of fences, xenophobia and growing nationalism prevailing today in Europe have raised scepticism on Africa’s side on wether the EU is still cooperating with Africa on the issue of migration with candour. More recently, the affirmation by the High Representative Federica Mogherini in Malta during the Senior officials meeting on the 8th of February 2017 that Europe “unlike others, will not build a wall”, the announcement of a European external investment plan (whose implementation is yet to be seen) and the job compact initiated by the Commission were some indications that the EU is willing to extend a credible offer to Africa. However, this is not enough.

Looking at Africa beyond the current problems

Europe should look at Africa beyond the current problems and crisis faced by the continent. Those problems will be overcome, but to do so, Africa needs a credible friend to help at this critical moment. For historical and geographical reasons, Europe stands on the top to do this.

After the end of the Second World War, Europe was as devastated, if not more devastated than many African and Middle East countries today. There are arguments that both migration and refugees played a significant role in Europe’s reconstruction after the war. The actions taken to reconstruct the continent were far-sighted, and bore fruits. The stable and prosperous Europe of today is in part the result of such courageous and generous initiatives by countries both inside and outside Europe. As Europe was saved by the implementation of the Marshall plan, so could Africa. That is why Germany established an “African Marshall plan”.

Jean-Pierre Lehmann in his article, “Refugee and migrants: Europe’s past History and future challenges”, articulately said that “the current economic hardships, social transformations, political oppressions, ethnic hostilities, religious and racial persecutions, and traumas of wars that are occurring at various degrees of intensity in the Middle East, Africa and parts of Asia in many fundamental ways reflect what occurred in the not too distant past in Europe.”

The important lesson to draw here is that Europe was largely able to overcome tremendous challenges, build a stable and prosperous continent and overcome the traumas of WWII thanks to the Marshall Plan.

Migration problems in Africa remain largely the responsibility of African countries. Europe cannot and should not fix those problems on behalf of African authorities.

The EU and Africa can either join hands to fix the problem in the foreseeable future, or Europe can wait until African countries fix their problem, regardless of the time it may take, while investing huge budgets to close its borders in the meantime.

A viable solution would be to take multi-action efforts ranging from generous support to boost Africa’s economy through FDI and financial support to infrastructure construction, to easing the currently difficult EU trade policies to help African farmers and manufacturers increase their production, expand their activities and employ more people. Among the critical missing links in the development of most African countries is the absence of skilled manpower who can adopt or innovate in new technologies and improve the way things are done locally. For this to happen, the EU and its Member States have a moral obligation to offer more scholarships and avail encouragement for those who pursue their education in Europe to return back to their countries and help themselves and their people.

EU and AU leaders are scheduled to meet in Abidjan in November 2017. Of the potential agenda items to be discussed, migration will be on the top. The real question is: will the leaders as usual, simply “call”, “reiterate”, “acknowledge” the need for action, or will they dig into the core of the matter and come up with workable policies aimed at opening EU’s markets to Africa, support Africa private sector both in finance and networking, and encourage EU’s investors to invest in Africa?

Focusing on business ties will certainly benefit both continents. Strong and flexible ties can be regarded, more than anything else, as the guarantee to quell the irregular migration crisis looming in Europe and Africa. The EU should look at tomorrow’s Africa as a potential market for Europe, both in terms of import and export instead of barely interacting with the world’s future most populated continent as a region in need of help.

President Mulatu Teshome today met on 8 May with his Polish counterpart, Andrzej Duda at the National Palace in Addis Ababa. President Duda and First Lady Agata Kornhauser-Duda arrived in Addis Ababa the day before as part of his country’s commitment to strengthen the Ethio-Polish trade and investment ties.

In the meeting, the two presidents shared views on various issues, including on ways to improve trade between them, which currently stands only at 36 million US dollars.

President Mulatu on the occasion said that the two countries need to boost their trade ties.

Polish President Andrzej Duda for his part voiced hope that trade between the two countries would increase to a level of hundreds of millions of dollars.

Poland is a big market in Europe, as is Ethiopia in Africa, he added. President Duda said he would like Polish business and the Polish state to contribute to the development of Ethiopia, while making a profit at the same time. He also visited a plant operated by Polish tractor manufacturer Ursus in Ethiopia, and encouraged more companies to invest in Africa.

They agreed to take practical steps to meaningfully improve cooperation in agriculture, infrastructure information technology and education, according to Krzystof Szczerski, Polish Secretary of State.

The two leaders dwelt on ways of strengthening relations on the political arena including peace and security.

President Duda said his country recognizes Ethiopia’s diplomatic importance in Africa, and expressed his county’s desire to use Ethiopia as a gateway to its relations with the rest of Africa.

Source: Euractiv

Ethiopia, at the forefront of preventing and reducing drought risks, offers lessons to prepare for future challenges, writes the Embassy of Ethiopia to the EU.

Ethiopia is one of several African states in the Horn of Africa and East Africa suffering from drought, but has more resources and infrastructure to cope than many.

Twenty million people are currently at risk of hunger worldwide. The urgency of the situation, however, overshadows a longer-term challenge: climate change. The effects of climate change are still little perceived in Europe but it already affects the lives of millions of people. Ethiopia, at the forefront of preventing and reducing drought risks, offers lessons to prepare for future challenges.

Over the past few weeks, the media have published an abundance of alarming reports on the risk of famine in Somalia, South Sudan, Yemen and Nigeria. According to the UN, 20 million people are currently on the brink of starvation, making it the worst humanitarian crisis since World War Two. The urgency of the situation, however, tends to obscure a longer-term issue linked to this crisis. The issue of global warming, whose validity some Western governments continue, despite evidence, to question. Global warming is already affecting many developing countries, where the daily struggle to cope with a deregulated climate is constant.

Although the extent of the current famine is the result of a complex combination of factors, including persistent conflicts that led to massive population displacement, violence has only increased the effects of the unusually severe drought that has been hitting Africa since 2015. In the Horn of Africa, two consecutive years of drought, mainly due to the El Niño phenomenon, caused a drop in agricultural yields of up to 80% in some areas. This decimated whole herds due to a lack of water and pastures.

Although this humanitarian crisis is reminiscent of other tragedies of this type in this region regularly plagued by cycles of severe drought, the current situation is not ordinary.

Many researchers believe that El Niño is intensifying because of climate change, and the current trend is the strongest ever observed. Ethiopia is also facing its worst drought in over 50 years, leaving nearly 8.2 million people with no certainty about food or water. However, the spectre of starvation remains distant in Ethiopia, a haven spared from famine in a region hard hit by drought. What lessons can be drawn from the Ethiopian experience?

More than 30 years after Ethiopia was in the headlines of the international press due to famine, the situation could not be more different. The government has transformed the economy into one of the most dynamic in the world (9.9% growth in 2014) by making agriculture the centrepiece of its economic policy. This policy line is essential for ensuring food security through the development of efficient channels to market cereals, fruits and vegetables so that farmers can earn a better living from their land.

Everything is in place to avoid food insecurity, from a significant improvement to the early warning and response systems to adaptation strategies implemented to address climate change. At the first signs of drought, the Ethiopian government has acted to limit their negative impact on the lives of farmers and their livestock. Since 2016, Ethiopia has drawn more than €677 million from its budget to provide food and medical services in areas hit by drought. At the regional level, Ethiopia has also provided more than 7,200 quintals of emergency food aid and 26,667 cartons of milk to the Somaliland region, after it declared the existence of an acute drought.

The scale of the famine of the 1980s is widely attributed to the policies of the Derg regime, particularly because of the forced displacement of populations and high military spending. The first lesson that can be learned is that humanitarian crises can be avoided by making appropriate policy decisions. Although it represents only 4% of global greenhouse gas emissions, the African continent will be the region most affected by the negative effects of climate change. It, therefore, becomes clear that if the goodwill of the states concerned is an indispensable prerequisite, it will not suffice to cope with the problem in the long term.

The encouraging results of cooperation between the European Union and Ethiopia in the area of migration illustrate how a convergence of interests can lead to more effective policies. Hosting more than 800,000 refugees, Ethiopia is the first host country in Africa and continues to welcome every day new refugees fleeing Eritrea, the civil war in South Sudan or the situation in Somalia. Providing prospects for the population is, therefore, the best way to curb migration to Europe, and the country committed itself at the end of 2016 to the development of industrial parks which will employ more than 100,000 people, including 30,000 refugees, co-financed by the European Union and the World Bank. Although imperfect, these first promising initiatives could, if they address their current gaps, serve as a model for future cooperation and be extended to other areas.

Facing the twin challenges of economic development and climate change, Ethiopia is also a forerunner in international climate policy. The aim is to transform its economy into a green economy resilient to the effects of climate change. Soil rehabilitation, which allows people to own land and to work and eat to their fill, is another way of avoiding the migratory crisis.

Many parts of the world experience climate disruptions that affect their livelihoods and economies. At the end of 2015, a World Bank report indicated that without immediate efforts, climate change could make extreme poverty explode by 2030, undermining both developed countries’ poverty reduction measure and the efforts of developing countries such as Ethiopia. The country’s proactive industrialisation and development policies alone will not be sufficient to cope with the scale of the phenomenon which is global and therefore requires a strong commitment from the international community.

Regions weakened by climate change, in Asia and Africa, are the laboratory of the world of tomorrow and provide solutions that could prevent the aggravation of current crises. As the UN predicts 250 million climate refugees by 2050, the lessons learned in Ethiopia will be essential in the world to come.

Source: ACP

 

Brussels, 29 April 2017/ ACP: The Ambassador of Ethiopia to the Benelux countries and the European Union H.E Mr. Teshome Toga Chanaka presides over the Committee of Ambassadors of the African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) Group for the period 1 February 2017 – 31 July 2017. He shares with ACP Press priority issues for the coming months in his tenure, including discussions on the future of the ACP Group, including ACP-EU relations. 

***

ACP Press: As Chairman of the ACP Committee of Ambassadors, what are some of the priority issues on the table over the coming months of your tenure?    

Amb. Teshome Toga Chanaka: I believe and my colleagues at the Committee of Ambassadors also believe that we are in a critical time of our partnerships, particularly the ACP-EU partnership, and this is because the Cotonou partnership agreement that we signed with the EU in 2000 will expire in 2020. The current preoccupation of all the organs of the ACP Group of States, is really what would be our partnership beyond 2020 or ACP beyond 2020.

There are two things to it: one is would ACP as a Group continue as a solid united group and I think that is the current spirit, that we saw from the Sipopo Summit [7th Summit of ACP Heads of State and Government in 2012] in Equatorial Guinea and that is also the spirit reflected and of course decided in the 8^thSummit of the ACP Heads of States in Port Moresby in Papua New Guinea [in May 2016].

That’s one thing, then most important aspect would be: what would be our future partnership with the European Union? This is a topical issue for all decision making bodies of the ACP. We have done quite a bit of work. Initially we established Ambassadors Working Group on the Future Perspectives of ACP, which actually did very important work indicating what the future of the ACP should look like.

Secondly, in the wisdom of one of the previous Secretary Generals, we had an Eminent Persons Group which also did a study on behalf of the ACP Group. The purpose was to solicit views from our constituencies in the three regions – Africa, Caribbean and Pacific. In that Eminent Persons Group study, consultations were made with civil society organisations, private sector, parliamentarians, media, and of course governmental bodies.

So that is one set of documents that we have. Then Ambassadors in the Committee of Ambassadors also held a number of retreats in digesting, analysing and setting a vision for our future. So that is a bit of preparation we have made so far. We are hoping that the Council of Ministers will take a concrete decision on the matter.

Now the work we have done, actually focuses on the nature of the partnership. We have identified three major pillars for our future partnership with the [EU], Intra-ACP cooperation and also the South-South and Triangular cooperation.

·        The first pillar focuses on issues related to trade, investment. In that of course the role of private sector is also identified.

·        The second pillar deals with development cooperation, which is an important part of our partnership, and in it we would like to see science and technology. That has several elements in it but that second important pillar of development cooperation is not in terms of the old narrative and the old paradigm, but with a “new” development cooperation in which we would like to see that cooperation will ensure progress and development in our own social and economic settings, where the partnerships we have, the European development cooperation we have helps us to trade more, to export more and to industrialise and make transformation in our economies.

·        The third of course, such an intergovernmental organisation will always have a political dimension in his relationships, and we have identified political dialogue and advocacy on our values as the third pillar.

We wish that the Council of Ministers will give us guidance and negotiation modalities because we will be entering into the negotiations with the European Union in September 2018. That is what the Cotonou Partnership Agreement requires us to do.  So in order to spearhead negotiations, we are looking at our principles, positions, values, visions, and negotiation modalities and negotiation team.

You mentioned a “new paradigm” of development cooperation. What exactly does this mean for ACP and its partners?

Frankly speaking, I think the relationships in the past were framed by what we call “donor-recipient” relationship. Since 1975, since we initiated the EU-ACP partnership under the Lomé Convention, a lot has changed. We are in 2017, and that relationship was started in 1975.

Now, 42 years later, there have been major changes globally, there have been major changes in the ACP countries. Many of the ACP countries are now Middle Income Countries, there are still Least Developing Countries, there are Small Island Developing Countries within the ACP. Now, given this diversity, given the progress we have made, I think in many ACP countries – even if you look at democratisation in ACP countries, peace and stability in ACP countries – I think we have made significant strides. The new partnership, we believe, should take that into account.

Secondly, in terms of transforming our economies, I think we would like more to rely more on partnerships than the donor-recipient equation. What do we mean by partnership? I think we would like to trade more with Europe, to industrialise our economies, to change the structure of the economy. So any partnership in development should help the ACP countries to trade more than to depend on aid. Aid should help our capacity – so we can trade more, so that we can industrialise, so that we can build our own capacity, so that we can be competitive in global markets. Thanks to globalisation we have a huge global market, but the capacity – the competitive capacity, the competitiveness of our economy – is still very weak. So it is that element that we would like to change.

We should not depend only on what we get an aid from European Union, as ACP countries. We are not undermining the importance and significance of aid – it is important. But definitely, there should be a paradigm shift in our development partnership.

So the change must come from first and foremost within the ACP, and significant changes have been made – we should recognize that. I think the partnership is, even in terms of spirit, I think we in the ACP would like to view this as a mutually beneficially partnership. We know that Europe needs ACP; ACP needs Europe. It is in that spirit that we like to come as partners – partners based on respect and mutual interest and equality. Equality is the sense that we still know that EU is huge in terms of economy, EU is huge in terms of technology, but we like to approach our partnership based on equality, based on mutual respect and mutual interest. That would be the governing principle of our new partnership, and development cooperation I think.

There are global issues that need to be taken into account including the Sustainable Development Goals, climate change, terrorism, counter terrorism, migration, mobility – these are all issues that we have to address collectively. We know that EU alone cannot manage these issues; ACP cannot do it. It is only through partnership that we can address such enormous challenges for both the ACP and the EU.

With such a diverse membership from Africa, the Caribbean and the Pacific, how does this diversity affect talks about the future?

We do recognize that we have diverse interests, we have diverse cultures, we have diverse social and economic backgrounds. But despite the fact, and not withstanding our diversity, we have come a very long way, in the spirit of solidarity and unity. It is true that when we interact as ACP Group, we have been focusing on our partnership with the EU, and we all know why. But there is realisation, I think, that there should be intra-ACP, or if you like, South-South and Triangular cooperation.

Now there is another important dimension to it, in global politics and multilateralism.  You mentioned the membership – 79. At the same time, you have the 28, and of course now that we are talking about the BREXIT, it would be 27 European [countries]. Together, it’s a very large bloc. It’s the largest bloc actually, within the United Nation system. So if you wish to promote a given interest, as a bloc, I’m sure we would make a very important difference in global politics, in global decision making and multilateralism.

So we would like to see that diversity as supporting and complementing each other, and not as a source of weakness. Yes, we do understand the diverse interests of the Group, but we have common interests also, and that’s where we are trying to focus – on our mutual and common interest.

How will the ACP Group relate to the regional groupings or regional organisations in the future?   

Definitely we have our regional forums – the CARICOM, the Pacific Forum and the African Union – but when it comes to the ACP we have six regions [West Africa, East Africa, Southern Africa, Central Africa, the Caribbean and the Pacific]. So yes, reference is made made several times to the regional groupings. The relationships between ACP and the regional groups is something that we like to strengthen actually, because regional groups play a very important role. There are some subjects that are very far and remote to ACP, but very pertinent problems into the regional groups.

I give you just one example. For instance, when it comes to peace and security, the AU, and even within AU, the regional economic organs or communities are much more important and pertinent and relevant. But that does not necessarily mean that there is not a sort of link between what we do in the regions and within the ACP.

The concept of complementarity and subsidiarity and proportionality I think is the guiding principle when it comes to the relationship between the ACP and our various regional groups. So they are there – whenever we have a comparative advantage working with a regional organisation, there’s no need for ACP to duplicate that. The line of our engagement is very clearly defined so we will continue in that way.

Without duplicating what is done by the regional organisations, where would ACP bring an added value as a group of 79 countries?

Well the added value would be [that] we can play a very important role in global forums. For instance, I think one recent and good example we can say, is our contribution to the COP21 Agreement in Paris, where the ACP as a group played a very important role. We also agree that our group can play an important role come COP23 for instance, because we have Fiji, one of our [members], in the [UN General Assembly] Presidency and also chairing COP23, so we are mobilising our support.

There are by the way best practices in ACP countries that we don’t share among ourselves. We always look to different parts of the world. But there is a very increased realisation that I think there are important best practices that we can also share with each other.

So there are things I think that we haven’t identified, but we have now realised that there are things we can give and take within the ACP itself.

But in global politics of course, if we are determined, if we are committed, I think this is a bloc that can make a lot of difference in the global decision making process.

***

Source: http://www.acp.int/content/acp-1-1-interview-he-mr-teshome-toga-chanaka-ambassador-ethiopia-and-chair-acp-committee-amb

H.E. Ambassador Teshome Toga visited the Republic of Lithuania from 19-21 April 2017 with the aim of strengthening the political and economic relationships between the two countries. In his meeting with Mr. Eduardas Borisovas, Director of Latin America, Africa, Asia and Pacific Department, Ambassador Teshome explained why Ethiopia gives great importance to its relationship with the EU, particularly in its efforts of fighting terrorism, sustaining peace and security in the region and issues related to migration and mobility, and asked Lithuania to help deepen the cooperation between the EU and Ethiopia. Mr. Borisovas applauded Ethiopia’s security efforts and its role in hosting a huge number of refugees, making it a strategic partner for EU.

On the same day, Ambassador Teshome had a working lunch with Hon. Rianatas Žylius, Managing Director of NRD and former minister of Economy and Mrs Giedre Balcytye, Director of Governance and International Development of NRD, to talk about a possible cooperation with Ethiopia, to which they expressed interest in assisting Ethiopia with their expertise. Ambassador Teshome later met Mrs. Milda Dargužaitė, former managing director of Invest Lithuania, to discuss her experience in making Invest Lithuania obtain remarkable results in attracting investments.

Ambassador also met with the Executive Director of Lithuanian confederation of Industries and the General Director of the Lithuanian Business confederation to exchange ideas on how to boost the existing modest trade and business relations. Both sides underscored the need to fill the information gap on the business potentials of the two countries and agreed to organize a business forum in Vilnius. Similarly, Ambassador Teshome discussed with the members of the National Tourism Business Association of Lithuania to increase the tourists flows to Ethiopia.

On 21 April, H.E. Teshome met with Juozas Bernatonis, Head of Foreign Affairs Committee of Lithuania, to discuss the prospect of cooperation between the parliaments of the two countries. Finally, Ambassador met with Mr. Zigmas Medingis, Deputy Director of the Department of Economics and Ms. Kristina Dubikovaite, Head of International division at the Ministry of Agriculture to exchange ideas on ways to enhance cooperation on agriculture and agreed to cooperate in sharing experience between the Ministries of Agriculture of the two countries.

Read more about this painting: http://54.247.69.120/build/movio/movioTraining8/en/85/smuglevicius-p_-persian-messengers-at-the-ethiopian-king

Foreign Minister Dr. Workneh Gebeyehu met with Jean Asselborn, Luxembourg’s Foreign Minister in Addis Ababa, today  (April 25, 2017) and discussed how the sustainable and sound relationship between Ethiopia and Luxembourg could further be nurtured.

Dr. Workneh noted the strategic engagement between Ethiopia and the European Union in general and the growing level of a broad spectrum of economic partnership between Ethiopia and Luxembourg in particular. “Our partnership with Luxembourg,” he added would surely offer a strategic importance to Ethiopia’s development agenda.

Taking note of the enormous market opportunity and the enabling trade and investment environment in Ethiopia, Minister Workneh reiterated the importance of deepening the economic cooperation between the two countries. In such light, he further noted that the two countries should work together to explore potential areas of cooperation and partnership.

Briefing the Luxembourg delegation on current situations in Ethiopia, the Minister said Ethiopia is now in a state of normalcy, adding that the government has been working to fully ensure the prevalence of peace and security in the country.

On issues of regional peace and stability, Dr. Workneh pointed out how Ethiopia is working both bilaterally and through the multi-lateral sub-regional organization, IGAD to ensure  peace and stability in the region.

Foreign Minister of Luxembourg, Jean Asselborn, described Ethiopia as an important developmental partner in Africa, and said Luxembourg companies are keen to involve and work as complementary business partners in the air transport service and other related sectors.

Apart from the transport sector, he also noted that Luxembourg is keen to further strength the bilateral economic cooperation in areas of service provision, and other industry sectors.

Foreign Minister, Dr. Workneh, welcomed the initiative and stressed that as Ethiopia is aggressively investing on infrastructural development all over the country, Luxembourg’s  involvement in Ethiopia’s transport sector will offer significant support.